In El Salvador, a Central American country with a population of 5.5 million, the government puts unemployment at 7.3 percent, but concedes that at least 1 million people are underemployed. While almost 2.5 million people are qualified to work, almost 180,000 are jobless.

In this context, one of the most significant labor actions was the nationwide strike by two of the unions of the Salvadoran Institute of Social Security (ISSS). The strikes ended on March 10 after nearly four months. The strike by the Union of Workers of the ISSS (STISSS) was over the failure to receive a salary increase promised as part of the agreement to end a one-month strike in May 1998.

The strike was supported, and later on joined, by the Union of Medical Doctors Working in the ISSS (SIMETRISSS). The two unions also demanded a halt to the process of privatization of health care in El Salvador. Doctors from public hospitals and some private clinics around the country also backed the fight.

At several large marches in the capital, San Salvador, the ranks of members of the two ISSS unions were swelled by peasant organizations, members of the Integrated Movement of Labor Organizations, and university students.

Unions representing dock workers, railroad workers, and teachers, as well as members of 50 rural communities that came together after the devastation of Hurricane Mitch in 1998, also participated in marches in cities across the country. The demonstrations called for support to the strike and demanded a halt to the selling off to capitalist enterprises of health-care facilities, educational institutions, and water service.

The government refused to negotiate and declared the strike illegal two days after it started. A week later the administrators declared a state of emergency, which allowed the government to send police outside and inside hospitals and other ISSS sites nationwide. Unionists condemned the police presence in the health institutions. Ruperto Mejía, first secretary of STISSS, said that there was no reason to have the police in the facilities as the union has allowed doctors, nurses, and others into the medical centers.

The administration of the ISSS fired 221 workers and threatened to fire more, and told the doctors that, according to the law, they could be fined and lose their licenses for striking. The STISSS pointed out, however, that there were already 1,000 people fired, including doctors, nurses, and hospital workers.

While public health care was seriously affected, and despite declarations in the media by the Archbishop of San Salvador, Fernando Sáenz, President Francisco Flores, and other high-ranking government officials that the strike was hurting a large number of people for the benefit of a few, a public opinion poll conducted by La Prensa Gráfica in San Salvador February 24 reported that 53 percent blamed the government for prolongation of the strike.

On March 10, two days before municipal and legislative elections, the strike ended when the government promised to comply with the agreements of May 1998, including salary increases. Both sides agreed to comply with the ruling of the Supreme Court regarding the 221 workers who were fired and to continue negotiations.

While not breaking any new ground in their contract, this fight and the broad support it generated is an example of the growing resistance to the selling off to capitalist concerns of the social infrastructure and industries that provide basic services throughout the Americas.

At a meeting on the agreement, the unionists celebrated their victory with cheers to the union representatives and boos to the government delegation headed by Minister of Health José López Beltrán. "Are you sad minister? We won," yelled one worker. Later on the unionists marched through the main streets of the city, led by the general secretary of the STISSS. As the president of SIMETRISSS said, to explain the widespread support their strike received: "It is the people who are uniting to protest against privatization."  
 
 
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