Two years ago, in March 1995, the Militant ran the front page headline "Now another voice can be heard" over an article on the first visit by Gerry Adams to the United States. The censorship and exclusion of the spokespeople for the nationalist fighters in the working-class neighborhoods of the north of Ireland - imposed by the British rulers and supported by Washington - was broken. The genie was out of the bottle, and there's no going back.

That marked a victory for working people the world over, one that was created by the unbroken resistance of the Irish toilers. The facade that the British rulers were still a great imperial power was ending. It was a historic breakthrough. In this situation, the IRA cease-fire from August 1994 to February 1996 was a move based on the confidence to go toe to toe with London politically.

But because the British rulers are still more scared of talking to Sinn Fein than they are of not talking to Sinn Fein, they have spent 18 months throwing up obstacle after obstacle to including the republican party in negotiations. The objection to Sinn Fein's elected representatives taking their seats has nothing to do with "violence," as the continued participation of the right-wing, pro-British parties associated with murder and mayhem at Drumcree last summer demonstrates. London's policy is to delay, hoping that "something may turn up" to turn back the tide of history. They react to the initiatives of Sinn Fein, having no initiatives of their own to take.

It's clearer than ever that British rule in the north of Ireland is pinned on brute force alone. That is why the fight to expose the truth of Bloody Sunday is so important. It is not only just and necessary, it also focuses on precisely the one policy instrument British rulers have left and threatens to expose its reality.

The television pictures of the supremacy and violence of Unionists at Drumcree - where rightist gangs besieged that working-class, predominantly Catholic neighborhood in Portadown last summer - were beamed into homes throughout Britain as well as the world. Millions saw how the Royal Ulster Constabulary and British troops came to the aid of the rightist "Orange parades." These triumphalist marches are aimed at terrorizing the Catholic neighborhoods and perpetuating the caste-like privileges of the Protestant population, which have been the cornerstone of British domination in the northern six counties. They also watched the growing resistance by working people who stood up for their dignity. For many it was their first glimpse of the real face of Unionism and they were repelled, as phone-in shows and discussions in the workplaces showed.

The Drumcree showdown was an act of desperation by the pro-British Unionists in face of the organization of the residents' groups to demand consent for Orange marches through their streets. It was not an act of strength. Neither the British government nor the Unionists can afford more Drumcrees. As the new marching season approaches, all the signs are that it will meet the same reasoned resistance as last summer, drawing in wider layers to be active in the struggle. The Bloody Sunday Justice Campaign is organized by the relatives of those killed, many of whom have not been previously involved.

The cause of the violence in Ireland today is British imperialism, which has partitioned the country for 75 years and directly occupied the north since 1969. The leaders of the fight for Irish self-determination reach out to those in Ireland who are Protestant, those in Britain who have suffered because of the conflict, and show a way forward. Working people around the world, and in Britain especially, should stand with these fighters in demanding an end to British rule in Ireland.  
 
 
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